Arab Women must fight back - Sophie Ghaziri

We are now supposed to be in the midst of celebrating the 2nd anniversary of the Arab Spring. However, there is a legitimate question of whether or not there is actually anything to celebrate; particularly for women.

Well, take a look at the Arab world today, most Arab Spring countries are still witnessing sporadic violence and political instability. The thing they have in common, to a degree, is that Islamist parties were brought into power to fill the vacuum left by the secular dictatorships that preceded them.

Women and the ‘Arab Spring’

The way I see it, the revolutions which kicked off in these countries and is still ongoing in Syria was the people rising up against oppression. Three pillars drove this movement; Freedom, Liberty and Equality. Let’s look at Egypt, have any of these seen fruition?

The new constitution that was passed in December 2012 in a 2 part referendum touched on these things briefly, but more importantly did they touch on women’s rights. The preamble of the 2012 constitution says Egypt adheres to the principle of equality “for all citizens men and women, without discrimination or nepotism or preferential treatment, in both rights.” But, some critics believe it isn’t precise and is full of loop holes, which gives the current ruling party a chance not to live up to its promises. This fiasco in Egypt is just one example, it is however one of the most prominent incidents since the country ousted Hosni Mubarak. It sparked both local and international condemnation and was picked up by large amounts of the media.

Talking about the revolution in Egypt, let’s mention the 17 women arrested at a Cairo protest on March 9, 2011 as the army violently cleared Tahrir square and were then detained for four days. Some spoke to renowned human rights organizations like Amnesty International after their release and confessed to be subjected to abuse. The head turner is the fact they were forced to undergo virginity tests or else were threatened with prostitution charges.

Women have filed copious complaints of violence used against them during peaceful protests from the start of the uprising until today.

The most recent and most public announcement of this charade was when a television channel owned by an Egyptian cleric saw him go to air and make derogatory and outrageous statements, one being raping women in Tahrir is not a “red line.”

He gave people the green light to sexually abuse women in broad daylight because in his eyes they were asking for it. Abu Islam as most know him was able to get away with making that statement and even had to time to release more defamatory commentary towards Egyptian women and their, already, minor freedoms.

We can all now thank the Egyptian authorities for finally arresting him, but the question is; should he of been allowed to make those remarks and why did it take so long for the government to react.

Isn’t this enough to say that freedom, liberty and equality is still null and void?

As a result of this Egyptian women and a movement called "Tahrir Bodyguards" have taken matters into their own hands. Women are now joining free self-defense classes that have been set up in order to confront the country’s growing phenomenon of sexual harassment. The aim is to combat “systematic political suppression against women,” activist Jumana Shehata told Al Arabiya. She said just a couple of days ago “We’ll continue to take to the streets of Tahrir, no matter the price.”

Sexual harassment is not new in Egyptian society, but its increase has raised many questions. At least 25 female protesters were subjected to sexual abuse in Tahrir Square during demonstrations held earlier this month to mark the second anniversary of the revolution.

Is this the first step Arab women have taken to defend themselves? I don’t think it is the first the second or the third. I feel Arab women will continue to suffer from inequality no matter what uprising or call to freedom is happening in their country. Women’s rights have just been pushed aside.

A women’s ‘Winter’

What I mean by this, is whose fault is it? Are women’s rights organizations and NGO’s just not doing enough? Or are they being suffocated by the governments. In Tunisia’s case is its constitution slowing down the process of gender equality. Aug. 13, 1956 women’s right to equality was passed under the tutelage of Habib Bourguiba, after 56 years and a “jasmine revolution” the U.N. is even calling for the reconsideration of the written document. Articles upon articles have been written about this and how the Arab spring will take years to bring about and improve the rights of women. Queen Noor of Jordan has even echoed these statements. Another example is Libya; it just passed a law, which under the days of Qaddafi seemed fairer. In this North African country, husbands may marry another without their wives' prior consent, which was illegal under the iron-fisted dictator. This just goes to show you, that the outlook of the so called "Arab Spring" on Arab women has had somewhat of a negative effect.

I want to end here by mentioning Saudi Arabia, a country that is always perceived to be curbing rights on women (and they still are yet to gain many, such as the right to drive). It is ironic that whilst the situation is deteriorating in most Arab Spring countries for women, this Middle Eastern kingdom on the other hand has just sworn in 30 female Shura council members. Is this a good thing? Well YES, it is definitely a sign of progress... will it make a difference? We are yet to see.

Sheikha Lubna Al Qasimi : 100 Most Powerful Arab Women

Is it tough at the top? Ask Sheikha Lubna Al Qasimi. For the second year running, the UAE’s first female minister tops our women’s power list. And it’s not just any ministerial position; Sheikha Lubna’s brief involves promoting greater trade ties with international partners, which is a vital part of the UAE’s diversification strategy.

The Emirati national’s background lies in IT; she won plaudits for developing a system that slashed cargo turnaround times at Dubai airport, and in 2000 founded Tejari, the Middle East’s first business-to-business online marketplace. The firm, which is now one of Dubai World’s most successful units, has franchises across the Middle East and was initially funded by HH Sheikh Mohammed Bin Rashid Al Maktoum, ruler of Dubai, and prime minister of the UAE. Sheikha Lubna was appointed to her first ministerial post in November 2004 – becoming Minister of Economy and Planning, before taking the Minister of Foreign Trade brief afterwards.

In January, Sheikha Lubna met with US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton to discuss enhanced trade ties. The Gulf country is already the largest export market for US goods in the Middle East. The minister is also currently working hard to sign off the US Middle East Free Trade Area by next year. But amidst her whirlwind tours around the world, Sheikha Lubna has still managed to retain her own business interests, which have included setting up a perfume line. The minister also sits on the board of directors at the Dubai Chamber for Commerce and Industry, and is on the board at the National US Arab Chamber of Commerce.

Israeli-Arab female politician urges Arab citizens to vote in Israel's elections

In the past four years, Haneen Zoabi has been threatened, spat at, manhandled, accused of being a terrorist and subjected to attempts to expel or disqualify her from the Israeli parliament. The vilification of the feisty Israeli-Arab politician comes mainly as a result of her participation in the flotilla of ships attempting to breach the blockade of Gaza in 2010.

But in the next few days, she faces a different battle, this time within her own community: to persuade Arab citizens of Israel to exercise their right to vote. Polls predict that possibly fewer than half of Israeli-Arabs will vote in the elections in Israel next Tuesday, a far smaller proportion than the Jewish population, which is expected to see a turnout of around 70%.

Of the non-voters, the vast majority cite reasons of "apathy and disappointment". "[They say]: 'We can change nothing, we don't want to be involved in politics,'" says Zoabi, a member of parliament for the Israeli-Arab party Balad. A much smaller minority "don't vote as an ideological boycott".

She listens to what all sides have to say, whether they intend to vote or not. But she believes, at present, there is no serious political alternative to participating in Israeli elections.

"A boycott now is an act of weakness, not an act of active struggle. We would be out of politics. We need to develop another political struggle, for example civil disobedience, while also using our voice inside the Knesset [parliament]." Challenge, she says, is sometimes more effective from the inside than the outside.

At the same time, some criticise her for not solving problems faced by Israeli-Arabs, such as unemployment, crime, poor housing and entrenched discrimination. "They think I'm [prime minister] Binyamin Netanayhu, they think I'm the government," she says wryly, acknowledging her limited power to effect change.

Neither Zoabi nor any other representative of an Israeli-Arab party is likely to come anywhere close to government in the foreseeable future. Although Israeli-Arabs make up 20% of the country's population, no Arab party has ever been part of the ruling coalition.

Even so, Zoabi is expected to be re-elected next week for her second term as a member of the Knesset. The past four years, her first term, have taught her to react more coolly, she says: "But I am not less passionate, not less determined. I'm not optimistic or pessimistic, I just know that we must continue to struggle because there is no other way.

"Here in Israel, a 'good' Arab – those whom they don't hate, those whom they accept – is a very humiliated Arab. If you want to feel as a human being, you must be a 'bad' Arab."

An effervescent 43-year-old, Zoabi is undoubtedly a "bad" Arab in the eyes of the Israeli establishment and much of the public. Her participation in the 2010 "freedom flotilla" to Gaza, which ended in Israeli commandos shooting dead nine Turkish activists on board the Mavi Marmara, led to her being accused of treason and terrorism. She was stripped of her parliamentary privileges and assigned special protection following death threats. An attempt to bring criminal charges against her failed. Last month, the central elections committee disqualified her as a candidate, citing her flotilla participation, a decision later overturned by the supreme court.

"My main 'crime' was to try to break the siege on Gaza, and to struggle against the occupation. The minute you challenge something relating to the rights of Palestinians and the policies of Israel and the army, you are a threat," she says.

But she did not fully anticipate the political repercussions. Few people wanted to hear her account, she says. "We face a kind of society which has a lot of hatred towards Palestinians, a lot of ideological fear. In order to justify your violence and aggression, you must convince yourself that they are terrorists."

Political parties on the Israeli left offered no support, she says. Meretz, the most leftwing party, "made sure not to open their mouths. They care more about legitimacy within their own society".

Zoabi describes the regime governing Israel and the Palestinian territories as apartheid. "If the definition of apartheid is to preserve privileges for one people at the expense of another people, in terms of land, resources, citizenship laws – then this is apartheid. There are differences between South Africa and Israel. But apartheid is how to control, how to keep the dominance. Even if apartheid is a narrow definition of segregation, you can still find a lot of apartheid policies in Israel – roads, land confiscation, checkpoints."

She cites the 2011 Admissions Committee Law, which allows small communities in Israel built on state land to reject applicants who "do not suit the lifestyle and social fabric of the community". It denies Arab citizens the right to live on the majority of the land in Israel, she says. "This is an apartheid law."

Zoabi, who comes from a Muslim family, is the first woman to sit as a representative of an Arab party in the Israeli parliament. Explaining how she navigates the complex circles of her life, she says: "I'm not married, I still live with my parents because I don't like to live alone, but I go out, I meet my friends at restaurants, and no one can criticise me. This is a kind of partial freedom, because there are borders – and I know the borders. There are limits, but I don't see my society as either conservative or liberal. And it's changing all the time.

"Part of my vision is to have a modern, liberal, secular society. For me, that's not less important than fighting against Israeli racism. The issues of equality and injustice between men and women are as important as issues of equality between Jews and Arabs. I want my freedom as a woman – I cannot say no to inequality with Jews but yes to inequality with men. Dignity is very important to human values, and part of that is my dignity as a woman."